Letter Concerning Revocation of Citizenship of 31 Bahraini Nationals

[CAF logo. Image from MESA website] [CAF logo. Image from MESA website]

Letter Concerning Revocation of Citizenship of 31 Bahraini Nationals

By : Committee on Academic Freedom (MESA)

[The following letter was written by the Committee on Academic Freedom of the Middle East Studies Association of North America (MESA).]

11 December 2012

His Excellency Lieutenant General Shaikh Rashid Al Khalifa
Minister of the Interior
Ministry of the Interior
P.O. Box 13
Kingdom of Bahrain

Your Excellency Shaikh Rashid,

I write to you on behalf the Middle East Studies Association and its Committee on Academic Freedom to express our deep concern over the revocation of citizenship on 7 November of thirty-one Bahraini nationals. We are especially concerned that this punishment was extended to academics, particularly to Professor Abdulhadi Khalaf. Dr. Khalaf is a MESA member.

The Middle East Studies Association of North America (MESA) was founded in 1966 to promote scholarship and teaching of the Middle East and North Africa. The preeminent organization in the field, MESA publishes the International Journal of Middle East Studies and has nearly 3000 members worldwide. MESA is committed to ensuring academic freedom and freedom of expression, both within the region and in connection with the study of the region in North America and elsewhere.

Professor Abdulhadi Khalaf, a native Bahraini, is a Senior Lecturer in Sociology at the University of Lund. His academic publications are numerous. Outlets include the Arab Research Institute, Gulf Research Center, Civil Society and Democratization in Bahrain, British Society for Middle Eastern Studies, ORIENT, Civility Review, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies European University Institute, Middle East International, Research Reports in Sociology, and Arab Reform Bulletin. He has also published a book with the Bahrain Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs on working women in Bahrain.

Professor Khalaf’s ability to conduct scholarly research is seriously impeded by the revocation of his citizenship, as he is unable to travel to Bahrain, the other five member states of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), and perhaps other states in the Middle East. His professional work is thereby interrupted by the resultant lack of direct contact with his colleagues, his inability to participate in regional conferences, and the obstruction of his access to conduct fieldwork. Article 23 of the Bahraini constitution guarantees freedom of opinion and scientific research.

We understand that Article 10(c) of the Bahraini Citizenship Act of 1963 -- namely that "citizenship may be deprived by His Majesty the Governor from whomever enjoys such nationality...if he causes harm to the security of the State" -- was cited in justification of this action. We caution strongly that the free discussion of one`s political viewpoints in scholarly publications cannot be equated with harming the security of the State. Treason is a serious charge that requires the marshaling of evidence in support of the accusation. To date, no such evidence has been offered in Dr. Khalaf`s case.

We are also deeply concerned regarding the absence of due process in the revocation of citizenship. None of the Bahrainis who lost their citizenship were formally notified of the decision nor were they officially charged with criminal activity or prosecuted for damaging the security of the state. Dr. Khalaf learned that he was no longer a citizen of Bahrain through an article published by the Bahrain News Agency. Not even minimal procedural standards were met.

Dr. Khalaf does have Swedish citizenship. The Bahraini Constitution, however, clearly states that before stripping the nationality of someone holding dual citizenship, the government must afford him/her the right to choose which citizenship to retain. Then, only His Majesty the King of Bahrain has the authority to grant or revoke citizenship. The recent decision was issued by the Ministry of the Interior, and therefore contravenes Bahraini law.

 

Moreover, this action is a clear violation of Article 15 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which provides that "everyone has a right to nationality. No one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his nationality." Nationality is a fundamental right of all human beings. It enables them to enjoy a connection and identity with their society and the protection of their state.

We are heartened that the article in the 1963 Bahraini Citizenship Act on the basis of which Professor Khalaf lost his citizenship rights is immediately followed by Article 11, which states: "Citizenship of Bahrain may be restored to any person who has lost citizenship by virtue of the above three articles." We, therefore, strongly urge you to restore his citizenship as well as the citizenship of the other 30 individuals.

We look forward to your timely response. Mostly, we urge you to restore the sanctity of the higher educational system in Bahrain, a sphere of activity that ought to be protected and cherished by the state.

Yours Sincerely,

Peter Sluglett
MESA President
Professor, Middle East Institute, National University of Singapore

Cc:
Information Affairs Authority President HE Shaikh Fawaz bin Mohammed Al Khalifa
Ambassador of the Kingdom of Bahrain to the U.S. HE Houda Ezra Ebrahim Nonoo
U.S. Ambassador to the Kingdom of Bahrain Thomas C. Krajeski
Bahrain Minister of Education Dr. Majid bin Ali Al-Naimi
M. Cherif Bassiouni, De Paul University School of Law

 

Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412